Investigating the Origins of Philadelphia’s Chinatown

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Abstract

In Philadelphia at 913 Race Street a historical marker stands in front of a building where a Chinese migrant named Lee Fong opened a laundromat in 1870. It reads simply, “Philadelphia, Chinatown, Founded in the 1870s by Chinese immigrants, it is the only ‘Chinatown’ in Pennsylvania. This unique neighborhood includes businesses and residences owned by, and serving, Chinese Americans. Here, Asian cultural traditions are preserved, and ethnic identity perpetuated.” Yet the marker, and often conventional history, leaves out significant details regarding Philadelphia’s early contact with China which dates to the period before American independence from Britain. Early trade with China included opium which destabilized that country and led to the migration of thousands to the western hemisphere. As for the founder of Chinatown, Lee Fong, surprisingly little is known. The purpose of this research is to tell the story, as best as possible, of Lee Fong and the struggles of other Chinese immigrants who came to the United States in the latter half of the 19th century using books, scholarly and newspaper articles, and the City of Philadelphia archives. This research implicates white supremacist ideology in the persecution of Chinese immigrants. White supremacist attitudes towards Chinese people were clearly expressed in legislation which institutionalized anti-Asian racism in the laws which governed immigration, naturalization, the right to vote, and the right to serve on juries. In answering the related question of the origins of Chinatown, this research centers the accomplishments of Lee Fong and his fellow immigrants who successfully resisted efforts to exclude and expel them to establish an ethnic enclave that survives today.

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References

Roger Daniels, Asian America: Chinese and Japanese in the

United States since 1850 (Seattle: University of Washington

Press, 1988), 12.

Beth Lew-Williams, The Chinese Must Go: Violence,

Exclusion, and the Making of the Alien in America (Cambridge,

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Stewart Culin, “Social Organization of the Chinese in America.”

American Anthropologist 4, no. 4 (1891): 348.

Kathryn E. Wilson, Ethnic Renewal in Philadelphia’s Chinatown:

Space, Place, and Struggle (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: Temple

University Press, 2015), 19.

Jonathan Goldstein, Philadelphia and the China Trade, 1682-

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Goldstein, Philadelphia and the China Trade, 17.

Najia Aarim-Heriot, Chinese Immigrants, African Americans, and

Racial Anxiety in the United States, 1848-82 (Urbana: University

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Goldstein, Philadelphia and the China Trade, 47.

Goldstein, Philadelphia and the China Trade, 62.

The war also had impacts for Philadelphia merchants. First,

many Philadelphia shipping firms closed because of the enormous amount capital required to relocate as the primary

axis of American trade shifted from Philadelphia and Canton

to New York and Hong Kong. Second, San Francisco emerged

as a major transshipment center for Chinese goods. The

eventual completion of the transcontinental railroad and regular

steamship service would only increase the prominence of that

city. Philadelphia continued to flourish economically, but its

China trade was significantly diminished, Goldstein, Philadelphia

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Sucheng Chan, This Bittersweet Soil: The Chinese in California

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Cathy J. Schlund-Vials, Kevin Scott Wong, and Jason Oliver

Chang, eds, Asian America: A Primary Source Reader (New

Haven: Yale University Press, 2017), 21.

One of the Chinese immigrants we know about, Huie Kin, hailed

from the Taishan District of Canton Province. This was the same

region devastated by the Opium Wars. In 1868, 14-year-old Huie

travelled via a small junk to Hong Kong and boarded a steamship

bound for America. His family had borrowed the money for his

ticket from a wealthy acquaintance. By the time he arrived in

America, the Gold Rush was long over, so Huie took a job as a

domestic servant in a White household in San Francisco. He

earned a salary unimaginable in Taishan, about thirty dollars

per month. After paying for room and board Huie could afford

to send remittances back to his family which was more than

enough to pay for their living expenses. Huie’s case was not

typical. Lew-Williams, The Chinese Must Go, 21.

Daniels, Asian America, 12.

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City of Philadelphia. Registry Office, Deed Indexes 1867-1880.

Box 2-N8-169, City of Philadelphia, Department of Records, City

Archives, RG81, Department of Public Health and Charities.

In Chinese culture, the last name is usually spoken first as a

matter of custom. Therefore, when asking a Chinese person

what their name is, they may answer Lee Fong. In the European

style their first name would be Fong and the last name would

be Lee. This fact somewhat complicated my research and

required careful examination of sources using both forms: Lee

Fong and Fong Lee when searching, James Gopsill, Gopsill’s

Philadelphia City Directory (Philadelphia: James Gopsill, 1870.

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James Gopsill, Gopsill’s Philadelphia Business Directory

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James Gopsill, Gopsill’s Philadelphia Business Directory

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James Gopsill, Gopsill’s Philadelphia Business Directory

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Jacob A. Riis, How the Other Half Lives: Studies Among the

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Perhaps the broader term of “Asian” had not entered the

American racial lexicon. It is also interesting that although race

dominated so much of White discourse, this simple document

used instead the category “Color.” It suggests a White Black

binary which Asians challenged as a new category, Certificate

of Death: Lee Fong. Filed 6 Mar 1897, City of Philadelphia, Health

Office. Original Document, Box DEA-547, City of Philadelphia,

Department of Records, City Archives, RG81, Department of

Public Health and Charities.

Kenneth S. Y. Chew and John M. Liu, Population & Development

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